The Answer Is: No

Huh?

No appeasement.

We have already moved on from the Democrats sweeping victory in Tuesday’s election. And have no doubt the win was indeed sweeping. The margins were small in some states, tiny in Florida, but that they existed at all is the fact to focus on. Obama ought never have won this election. The economy is weak and unemployment still lingers in a zone that, in the past, spells doom for incumbent presidents. But he won. Handily. Not only this, but in a year when the Democrats were expected to lose control of the Senate they actually added to their majority.

Something went horribly wrong for the Republicans. It wasn’t that Romney, despite his vaunted business and analytical acumen, ran an ineptly organized campaign. It was, to put it bluntly, a day of reckoning for the extreme right. Their wild eyed radical agenda, from their misogynistic views on social issues, to their emphasis on ever more defense spending, on through to their open desire for the wholesale destruction of entitlement spending, was rejected. It was rejected wherever is was explicit. It was rejected in toto.

Yet a legacy of Obama’s own inept management of his early years was that in 2010 Republicans surged into power at the state level. This allowed them to rig upcoming Congressional elections via the time honored tool of re-drawing the boundaries of Congressional districts in order to make them Republican friendly. This paid off handsomely on Tuesday. Despite being handily beaten at the polls in terms of numbers of votes cast, the Republicans kept hold of the House.

So we enter the next two years with a split government.

This has brought forth a rush of calls for Obama to make a deal with the Republicans on the so-called upcoming fiscal cliff. This is the self-inflicted budget crisis that is also a legacy of the deadlock we suffered through during the last four years and in particular is a result of the breakdown in negotiations over budget policy in 2010 and 2011. Basically the ‘cliff’ is a term describing a series of spending cut and tax increase measures that automatically come into law on in January 2013 unless alternative, and presumably more sensible, measures are agreed to beforehand. With beforehand meaning the next few weeks.

The danger of rushing to cut a deal in a few weeks – a deal that would re-define our tax and spending profile for the best part of a decade – is that there is no time for a considered discussion. A grand bargain of such importance surely needs to be the outcome of a few months not a few weeks of negotiations.

Worse, the psychology of such a compressed debate gives the upper hand to the extremists who can force concessions from their more moderate counterparts by waiting to the last moment to make a deal. Brinkmanship becomes the order of the day and undermines the likelihood of the ultimate bargain not containing some very bad deals.

This, of course, is less of a problem were Congress not infested with a phalanx of Tea Party extremists.

Therein lies the reason for no appeasement.

The central problem we all face as we seek to strike a deal on the budget is that the extreme right is not concerned about the deficit. Despite what they say publicly about burgeoning debt and other right wing red flags, they have never been worried about the level of debt or the size of the annual deficit. These issues are simply a veil over the real agenda: the destruction of the welfare state. In recent decades it has been the Republican Party responsible most for the emergence of a long term rise in the deficit. First under Reagan and then under George W. Bush they forced through massive reductions in government revenues  without tackling a concomitant cut in spending. Reagan oversaw a massive defense build up that was paid for, not through taxation, but through borrowing. Then, after Clinton had stabilized the budget and even produced a rather lucky surplus, Bush used the existence of that surplus to argue that the government was taking in too much revenue and thus could cut taxes. He cut taxes way beyond the level needed to balance the books. In a deliberate effort to defund government and thus produce a budget crisis he cut taxes drastically in two rounds. Each added to the deficit. Each was supported wholeheartedly by the entire Republican delegation in Congress.Some of those Republicans, in a stunning volte face, have become the most vocal champions of deficit reduction. So we know that the Republicans do not worry about deficits. Recall it was Dick Cheney who said that deficits don’t matter.

Creating a funding crisis was the goal. It was a strategy that succeeded and then some when the economy fell to pieces and the long term deficit was compounded by the normal short term deficit associated with a recession. The extremists had set the game up perfectly for themselves. The chatter amongst our elite became the burden represented by the entitlement programs whose cost now looked unbearable in the context of all that lost revenue. Social Security was quickly branded as being on the verge of bankruptcy. Medicare was declared impossibly costly. The handwringing began. Earnest and sober people began to regret the harsh reality that America could no longer afford the New Deal and New Society programs. Yes, we were told, we would like to protect the poor, the young, the elderly, and the sick, but we just can’t afford it anymore. Something has to give. Someone has to pay the price for America’s diminished fiscal capacity. Just not the wealthy job creators and their friends in Wall Street.

Thus the sick, the poor, and the elderly, and the children were singled out for punishment. They were to be sacrificed so that we could get our fiscal house in order.

All the pronouncements, reports, and analyses that have flooded Washington these past two years as we began the debate over the budget have had the same target. All have taken as a truth that we have a diminished revenue raising capacity. Yes they have all talked about raising revenues, but they all, ultimately, throw the burden on the same target: the weakest parts of our society.

In other words the enormity of the Republican Party’s cynical strategy has been overlooked. The radical agenda is perilously close to being fulfilled. Had Romney won on Tuesday victory for the far right would have been certain. The credit markets and the plutocrats would have protected their privilege and the rest would have been made to pay.

But democracy is a funny thing. It gives the weak a chance to express what they think.

And they thought poorly of the entire radical right’s enterprise. They realized that they were being sold a bill of goods. Only one in ten voters mentioned the deficit as an issue. Seven in ten thought job creation was the priority. In my mind that’s a fairly good indicator for what public policy ought to be doing.

Stimulus. Not austerity.

So. As we are rushed headlong into this unnecessary panic called the ‘fiscal cliff’ we ought to listen to the voters.

Say no to cuts in entitlements. No.

Do not allow this artificially and carefully crafted moment be the excuse for ending the welfare state.

No appeasement of extremists. It never works. They always want more.

If that means going over the cliff, so be it. There is nothing that cannot be undone later. Let taxes go up. Put the blame on the intransigence of the right. Then cut them back where needed and bask in the victory of handing a tax cut to the middle class. Raise capital gains tax to the same level as income tax. After all income is income so tax it all the same. Stretch the tax code out progressively. After all the research shows definitively that higher taxes on the wealthy has no effect on the economy. Fix the tax code to plug loopholes for big business. Use the revenue to lower tax rates if you want. Get rid of the cap on payroll taxes to juice revenues into Social Security, but extend last year’s payroll tax cut as a stimulative measure. The list goes on.

But never, ever, appease the extremists. This is their last chance to execute the Reagan/Bush agenda. This is our chance to end the entire Reagan era. The stakes extend way beyond the mere budget. This is the time to re-define the American social contract.

So start by resisting the temptation to rush into a hasty deal.

The answer is: no.