Our Policy Conundrum
I have spent much of my time recently lashing away at the notion that either monetary policy [i.e. interest rates] or fiscal policy [i.e. the Federal budget deficit] should be tightened any time soon. Nowhere in the data is there a sign that now is close to appropriate for such a move.
“It is not the absence of good economics and policies, it is the absence of sensible conversation that threatens our economy most.”
But the debate rages on. Quite why I have no idea. Perhaps it is because, as Paul Krugman says, central bankers hate being ‘accommodating’. They much prefer being old curmudgeons. He goes on to add that as far as he can tell the ‘debate’ seems to be one in search of a problem to solve, rather than targeting something we have to deal with now. I tend to agree. The whole discussion has a decidedly artificial air to it.
So, for the sake of clarity let me repeat: we do not need to tighten. Not now, and most likely not next year either.
In fact there is ample reason to believe we interest rates should stay where they are for three whole years.
I realize that I am repeating myself here, so in the interests of balance allow me to pull together a couple of plausible reasons that tightening should occur sooner – in line with what the hawks are arguing.
The most obvious is our national fiscal balance that is now completely out of whack. How you respond to this depends upon your point of view regarding its origins and likely size post-crisis. The hawks see the deficit as a proxy for the debt load it implies. In turn this suggests we need to be aware of the limited appetite there might be for US bonds. Two numbers are bandied about with abandon: the debt/GDP ratio which has surged from the low 40% range up to about 70% and could keep on going higher for a while; and the absolute deficit which stretches away in negative numbers for as far as the eye can see. It is the combination of the two that worries people. It worries me too. The reason being that while short term surges in debt are fine – they are the results of crises – once the crisis abates the debt load should ease. If the Federal deficit remains unchecked that easing will be insufficient and our reliance on the bond markets may stay too high.
Here comes the interpretive part:
People who are hawks look at the ‘history’ of the US and do not see any ability to balance the books. They are therefore concerned that the debt/GDP ratio will stay at some lofty and unsupportable level. Others, me included, look at the same numbers and think that the debt/GDP ratio will come down in due course and that it is an entirely manageable problem.
Let’s do a quick run through the thought process that suggests the problem is manageable.
One aspect the hawks focus on is the cost of carrying the debt. We have to pay interest on the debt so we need to generate wealth to cover it. Assuming that interest rates adjusted for inflation stay within historic ranges – let’s say 2.5% – the implication is that it will cost between 2% and 2.5% of GDP to pay the debt load. That’s a lot of money, but in the context of the economy as a whole it is not a big deal. It is certainly something we could cope with. So debt load is not a problem.
The bigger issue, in the eyes of the hawks, is the deficit. As long as we run a deficit we are adding to the pile of debt we owe and not reducing it. Here the hawks have a big point. In fact I agree with their sentiment in this regard. All countries have experienced debt surges: mostly these are associated with crises of one sort or another. Wars rank high on the list. Depressions likewise. What sets the US apart is that has also had debt surges without a crisis to cause such a surge. Twice in fact. And both in the past thirty years. These are the two events haunting us at the moment and which make the hawks queasy. The two events? The debt spikes caused by the Reagan and Bush supply side budgets. One in the 1980’s and one in the 2000’s. These are the only two examples in American history of a debt binge being unaccompanied by a crisis. They were self inflicted wounds. They also prove, to the hawks, that the US cannot be trusted to be fiscally conservative.
Read that through again. It is very edifying.
The two events that are undermining the US’s reputation for fiscal conservatism were the result of policies and budgets enacted by Republican presidents.
Ironic huh?
Moreover the hawks all seem to be people who cheered on those two events as being stimulative supply side policies guaranteed to kick the economy into high gear.
Both failed. The last one spectacularly.
So the hawkish crowd all appear to be a tad cynical – to my eye – when they cry foul over the debt surge we now have but not those other two. Especially when they use the debt build up consequent to those supply side budgets as evidence the Federal deficit is running away unchecked.
Setting that cynicism aside: they have a good point. Structural, long term or permanent deficits are not a good thing. They undermine the trustworthiness of the US government when it says that it can mange its affairs responsibly. Somewhere out there in our projected budgets there must be a balanced set of books. Credibly balanced. With the emphasis on credible.
This is the nub of the hawks argument. We lack credibility. The fiscal mess that Reagan and Bush made has muddied the waters. The US lost its reputation for conservatism. Add in Obama’s social agenda that could add to the cost of running the government and it is easy to see why the hawks coalesce around the debt ratio as a harbinger of doom.
From my point of view I agree with the notion that we need to eliminate our structural budget gap. This means we have to have a debate about our priorities. An open an honest debate. I had hoped that the health care ‘debate’ would be the first step along that road, but I was disappointed. It devolved into a smear campaign so quickly that the big issues and choices disappeared beneath a welter of lies, innuendo, and name calling.
The end result of this debate will have to embody compromise that no one really likes – it is always hard to be enthusiastic about compromise – and will include cuts in favorite programs as well as tax increases. We will have to allocate our wealth more carefully and we will have to encourage thrift. Up to a point. It will mean that we have to get much better at wringing wealth from our resources: higher productivity and less waste. The US extracts less GDP per person from the energy it consumes than any other country. We are wasteful. That shows up in our imports. It detracts from our ability to be productive. This is simple stuff, but if opponents rally against such statements as being somehow ‘un-American’ we will never get to the root of our problems.
Liberals like myself need to understand that our social programs need to be put on a sustainable footing. Most were designed for a population with very different life expectancies and so on. They all need to be updated. That requires a pragmatic flexibility and honesty on the left so far lacking.
Conservatives have to get used to the idea that Americans like these social programs and want to keep them. The free market alternatives just don’t work for most people because of all the reasons that free market economics teaches us: the theories only work because of the utopian assumptions needed to make them tick. Put those ideas into the real world and you get the kind of unfettered capitalism that just ran us onto the rocks. Abandoning people to the whims of free markets exposes them to a turbulence only the wealthy can withstand. It predestines them to failure and undermines their sense of community. So government is necessary. It may be an ‘evil’, but it is a necessary evil. So conservatives need to embrace that fact and cooperate in making government responsive and efficient, rather than gutting it and hoping it fails.[see Katrina].
The deep divide in today’s politics – the incessant culture wars – are preventing this necessary debate from occurring. The focus of those wars on social issues eliminates a central ground existing for economic issues: life is rarely binary, but our politics have become so. The biggest loss appears to be fiscal conservatism. Neither side really embraces it. And as I mentioned above, the biggest irony is that the right wing totally abandoned conservatism in an effort to avoid having to confront the essential left of center tilt of the population with respect to social programs. I think both Reagan and Bush thought they could undermine the credibility of government as an economic force by plunging it towards bankruptcy – this is Grover Norquist’s famous mantra about ‘starving the beast’. What they forgot is that this implies bankrupting the nation along the way. It’s an easy mistake if your perspective is tainted by the view that somehow the government is not part of America. That may be difficult to square with ‘we the people’, but it is the dominant view amongst the hawks now girding for a fight against the Federal deficit. Since to Reagan and Bush the government was the enemy of America, plunging it into a permanent sea of red ink was an act of liberation. Reality is different of course. The government is us. And we are now awash with that Reagan and Bush induced debt.
Along the way both left and right have avoided a conversation. Both have drifted into the illusory world of free markets where magic things happen without any effort by any particular person or group. Reagan, Bush senior, Clinton, and then Bush junior all relied on this illusion in order to avoid having to discuss priorities and deeper problems. The magic would deal with it. We could just sit back, relax, and enjoy the grandeur of the American Dream. We stopped talking about the gritty issues of long term economic growth, competition, or infrastructure, and started living for today alone. That’s why I call it the era of illusion. Maybe self-delusion is more apt. All I know is we forgot to talk about difficult issues. The conversation ended.
The debt hawks are doing us a favor by re-starting the discussion. The problem seems to be that the conversation is all one sided. That, and the facts don’t seem to be important in shaping their views. I fear the great divide has seeped into our economic policy conversation.
So this is our conundrum:
It is not the absence of good economics and policies, it is the absence of sensible conversation that threatens our economy most.
Maybe the bond markets should be worried!